Case study — Services · 12 min read · 5 questions
Why Ozempic is so expensive
The thesis
The industry's bargain is real and it mostly works. A drug costs roughly $2.3 billion and 10 to 15 years, and the only thing that funds that bet is the monopoly at the end. Then it expires and the price collapses — a Lipitor tablet cost $45 in 2010 and $5 by 2021. The bargain has one condition: the monopoly has to actually end.
Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk spent a decade proving it does not have to. Both charged $900 for a year of insulin in 2007, $1,500 in 2011, $2,100 in 2013 — the same numbers, the same years, two supposed rivals holding two thirds of a three-firm market. Humalog's patent expired in 2013 and the monopoly ran another decade on secondary patents. The motive is in the accounts: Zyprexa collapsed, and insulin was raised almost line for line to fill the hole.
GLP-1 drugs are that trade with the last checks removed. Patients arrive demanding the drug by name, and Lilly has cut the doctor out entirely with its own telehealth portal. Ozempic went from $0.3 billion to $14.2 billion in five years. What is left is coverage, which is why both firms are pushing to have obesity reclassified as a disease — the same move Purdue made with pain. Get insurers to agree and 890 million people become a subscription, priced by the two companies whose record on captive patients is already written down.
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The statistics
By the numbers — swipe or use arrows
Company figures from Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk annual reports and filings; drug-level sales as disclosed by their manufacturers; market capitalizations at 2024 close; insulin, Humira, Keytruda and Lipitor prices as published list prices; patient-pool and drug-class projections from the industry estimates cited in the episode; physician payments from Open Payments data
Key takeaways
Two drugmakers now sit among the ten most valuable companies on earth, and they got there on obesity. Eli Lilly is worth $817 billion and Novo Nordisk $589 billion, against $844 billion for TSMC and $690 billion for Tesla. Neither firm was in this conversation a decade ago — in 2014 Lilly was worth $77 billion.
The reason is the size of the pool rather than the price of the drug. 890 million people worldwide are obese against 486 million with cancer, 262 million with asthma, 200 million with heart disease, 55 million with dementia and 45 million with HIV. Oncology is the biggest drug class in the world at a projected $370 billion; weight loss is already second at $133 billion.
Insulin is where that justification breaks. Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk, two of the three manufacturers who make 90% of the world's insulin, charged $900 for a year's supply in 2007 — both of them. They then charged $1,200 in 2008, $1,440 in 2010, $1,500 in 2011, $1,680 in 2012 and $2,100 in 2013. The same figures, in the same years, from two rivals.
Then they accelerated. From 2014 the price roughly tripled again in five years: Lilly to $4,080 in 2015, $5,280 in 2017 and $5,864 in 2019, with Novo a few percent behind at every step. The only “cheap” insulin price was always last year's, and a Type 1 diabetic cannot opt out of insulin.
The patent was supposed to stop this. Humalog's expired in 2013 and generics should have flooded in — instead Lilly filed secondary patents on incremental improvements, a practice known as patent thicketing, and the monopoly ran another full decade. Challenging a thicket costs more in legal fees than a small manufacturer can raise, so the challenge never comes.
The motive was a patent cliff of its own. Lilly's 2000s were carried by five blockbusters — Zyprexa at $4.9 billion, insulin at $3.0 billion, Gemzar at $1.7 billion, Evista at $1.1 billion and later Cymbalta and Cialis. Zyprexa and Gemzar lost protection in 2011 and Cymbalta and Evista in 2014, and the drop was immediate.
So insulin was raised to cover the gap, almost line for line. Zyprexa went from $5.0 billion in 2010 to $1.7 billion in 2012 and $0.5 billion by 2018. Over exactly the same years Lilly's insulin sales climbed from $3.1 billion to $4.3 billion. Insulin was the one product where the patient pool was both large enough and desperate enough to absorb any price.
Lilly also invented this drug class and then lost it. Byetta, launched in 2005, was the first GLP-1 ever sold. It needed two injections a day, drew reports of kidney failure, pancreatitis and deaths, and took an FDA black-box warning. Sales peaked at $797 million in 2009 and were down to $278 million by 2012.
Novo Nordisk took the idea and executed it. Victoza launched in 2009 as a once-daily GLP-1, did $13 million in its first year, $1.4 billion by 2012 and $3.2 billion by 2017 — clearing a billion dollars in its fourth year, five years faster than Lilly's Trulicity managed a decade later.
The replacement is already bigger than the thing it replaced. Mounjaro went from $483 million in 2022 to $5.2 billion in 2023, against a peak of $4.3 billion for insulin in 2018. Zepbound, the same molecule branded for the obese rather than the diabetic, managed only $176 million — because insurers and Medicare still will not cover weight loss, so patients pay about $1,000 a month out of pocket or get the diabetic version instead.
Novo is further ahead. Ozempic went from $0.3 billion in 2018 to $1.7 billion, $3.1 billion, $5.0 billion, $8.8 billion and $14.2 billion in 2023, with Wegovy adding $4.6 billion on top. That single drug now grosses more in a year than the company ever made from insulin.
Specialization is why Novo out-earns a much larger rival. Novo ran 46% operating margins in 2015 and 44% in 2017 against 14% and 12% at Lilly, on revenue that grew from $7 billion in 2008 to $18 billion in 2019 with a fraction of the assets. Going all-in on one disease worked better than Lilly's decade of diversification.
None of the usual gatekeepers apply to this drug class. Manufacturers normally have to buy doctors — big pharma paid physicians $8.1 billion in cash and $13 billion in total in 2023 — and negotiate placement with pharmacy benefit managers who take a cut of every rebate: CVS Caremark at $187 billion of revenue, Express Scripts at $154 billion and Optum at $116 billion in 2023. With GLP-1s the patients arrive asking for the drug by name, which inverts every one of those negotiations.
Lilly has now removed the doctor from the transaction outright. LillyDirect is a company-run telehealth portal where an independent physician will write the prescription your own doctor declined and the drug ships to your door. Going direct-to-consumer is only possible with a product this viral — and the company that built it is the same one that spent a decade raising insulin prices on people who could not refuse.
The reclassification campaign is the actual product. Purdue built OxyContin into an epidemic by getting pain treated as a fifth vital sign; Lilly and Novo are now arguing that obesity is a disease rather than a condition. The medical case is arguable. The commercial case is not: disease status is what unlocks insurer and government coverage, and coverage is what turns 890 million people into a recurring, patented, permanent prescription.
And obesity is a symptom, not the root cause. American obesity is downstream of a food system that permits additives, dyes, and hormones banned in most of the developed world. The country already spends $13,493 per person on healthcare against $5,493 in the UK and still dies six years earlier than Japan. The proposal on the table is to bill taxpayers and patients for a $1,000-a-month injection rather than change what is in the food.
Common questions
Why did insulin get so expensive?
Because three manufacturers make about 90% of the world's supply and they raised prices in step. Eli Lilly and Novo Nordisk both charged $900 for a year's supply in 2007, $1,200 in 2008, $1,500 in 2011 and $2,100 in 2013 — identical figures in identical years. By 2019 Lilly was at $5,864 and Novo at $5,400. The Humalog patent expired in 2013, which should have brought generics and lower prices, but secondary patents on incremental improvements extended the monopoly another decade. Insulin is not optional for a Type 1 diabetic, so the demand held at every price.
How much money do Ozempic and Mounjaro actually make?
Ozempic did $0.3 billion in 2018 and $14.2 billion in 2023, with Wegovy adding $4.6 billion on top — more from one drug than Novo Nordisk ever made from insulin in a year. Mounjaro went from $483 million in its first year to $5.2 billion in its second, exceeding Eli Lilly's insulin peak of $4.3 billion in 2018. Zepbound, the same molecule branded for weight loss rather than diabetes, made only $176 million in 2023 because insurers do not cover it.
Why is Zepbound so much smaller than Mounjaro if it is the same drug?
Coverage. Mounjaro is prescribed for Type 2 diabetes, which insurance pays for; Zepbound is prescribed for obesity, which insurers and Medicare still do not treat as a covered disease. That leaves Zepbound patients paying roughly $1,000 a month out of pocket. The practical result is that a lot of weight-loss demand is being met through the diabetic prescription instead, because that is the version somebody else pays for.
Do drug patents actually make drugs cheaper in the end?
Yes, and that is the argument for the whole system. A drug costs an average of $2.3 billion and 10 to 15 years to develop, roughly nine in ten candidates fail, and in 2019 there were 16,181 prescription drugs in development against 114 approvals in the U.S. and EU. The patent is the reward that funds the attempt, and it expires. Lipitor peaked at $45 a tablet in 2010 and cost $5 by 2021 once generics arrived. The problem is not the bargain — it is what happens when a manufacturer finds ways to keep the monopoly running past the expiry date.
What is patent thicketing?
Filing large numbers of secondary patents on small modifications to a drug so the original monopoly effectively never ends. There is no fixed definition of what counts as an improvement, so manufacturers submit tens or hundreds of them. A smaller competitor can challenge the thicket in court, but the legal cost exceeds what most drug startups can raise, so the challenge rarely comes. Humalog's patent expired in 2013 and the monopoly ran roughly another decade on this basis. The same tactic has been used on arthritis drugs, painkillers and cancer treatments.
Why don't the usual pharmaceutical sales tactics apply to weight-loss drugs?
Because for the first time the demand came before the marketing. Manufacturers normally spend heavily on doctors — $8.1 billion in cash payments to U.S. physicians in 2023, $13 billion including research funding and equity — and negotiate placement with pharmacy benefit managers, the middlemen who set drug tiers and take a cut of each rebate. With GLP-1s, patients pressure doctors for prescriptions unprompted and ask for brands by name, which means the manufacturer holds the leverage in every one of those negotiations rather than paying for it.
Who invented GLP-1 drugs?
Eli Lilly, and it lost the category anyway. Byetta launched in 2005 as the first GLP-1 ever sold, aimed at blood sugar rather than weight. It required two injections a day, accumulated reports of kidney failure, pancreatitis and deaths, and took an FDA black-box warning. Sales peaked at $797 million in 2009 and fell to $278 million by 2012. Novo Nordisk launched the once-daily Victoza in 2009, cleared a billion dollars in its fourth year, and has led the category since.
Why is Novo Nordisk more profitable than Eli Lilly?
It never diversified. Novo went all-in on diabetes in the 2000s and built an entire suite of insulin products around it, while Lilly spread across antipsychotics, oncology, animal health and diabetes at once. The margins show the difference: Novo ran 46% operating margins in 2015 and 44% in 2017 against 14% and 12% at Lilly, on revenue that went from $7 billion in 2008 to $18 billion in 2019 with far fewer assets.
What is the case against treating obesity as a disease?
Not that obesity is harmless — it is that reclassifying it unlocks insurance and government coverage for a permanent, recurring, patented injection, and hands the pricing decision to two companies with a documented record of what they do with a captive patient pool. It also treats a symptom. American obesity is downstream of a food system that permits additives, dyes and hormones banned elsewhere, and the proposed remedy is for taxpayers and patients to fund a subscription drug rather than fix the input.
Discussion
The industry's bargain is that roughly $2.3 billion and 10 to 15 years buys a monopoly, and the monopoly then has to end. What is the fair version of that trade, and how would you tell whether it is being honored?
No answers yet — be the firstTwo supposed rivals holding two thirds of a three-firm market charged $900, then $1,500, then $2,100 for a year of insulin in the same years. What are the innocent explanations, and how would you test them?
No answers yet — be the firstHumalog's patent expired in 2013 and the monopoly ran another decade on secondary patents. Is that the system working as designed or failing? Who would have to change what?
No answers yet — be the firstLipitor went from $45 a tablet to $5 once its monopoly genuinely ended. If that is the system working, why is it so rarely allowed to?
No answers yet — be the firstYou are asked to reform drug pricing without destroying the incentive to invent. What do you change first, and what breaks?
No answers yet — be the first
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